The continuing tragedy of Palestine
By S.P.SETH
Palestine remains the great tragedy of the post-World War 11 period. Israel continues to occupy their homeland over and above what was gifted to them in 1948 as their state by international power brokers.
Their destiny is currently being negotiated in “proximity” (indirect) talks with Israel, with George Mitchell, special US envoy to the Middle East, as a facilitator. It is hoped that this might eventually lead to direct talks between the two parties.
Whether this will lead to any worthwhile breakthrough is doubtful, considering the record so far following the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories since the 1967 Six-Day war.
Broadly, the Palestinians would want Israel to withdraw to the 1967 line as their national boundary. Besides, there is the question of the Palestinian refugees still languishing in makeshift camps, since after the creation of the state of Israel, and the status of East Jerusalem, now claimed by Israel as part of its eternal capital.
The Palestinians want their own sovereign state with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The Israeli position is to pilfer and annex the Palestinian territory through more and more settlements and thereby make it into a version of the apartheid-era South Africa.
The basic objective is to make Palestinian lives so miserable that more and more of them will be forced into leaving Palestine (like many of their ancestors did after the creation of Israel) to find refuge among Arab states. The rest of them and their territory will be carved out into dependent zones (Bantustans), accessible only through Israeli checkpoints and other control mechanism.
Realizing that a resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conundrum is an essential step towards making a new beginning with other Muslim countries, the Obama administration is keen to promote a resolution of the vexed Palestinian-Israeli question.
But the problem is that, coddled so long by US administrations over many years, the Israeli governments have been in no mood to heed even moderate American advice of freezing Israeli settlements in West Bank and East Jerusalem to kick start the peace talks.
On the American side, the Israeli lobby has such strong hold over US politics that Tel Aviv felt so bold to announce the building of another 1600 units in East Jerusalem during a recent visit to Israel by the US Vice-President, Joe Biden. Such brazenness didn’t go well with the Obama administration, leading to some political tensions between the Netanyahu government and Washington.
Some commentators detect an emerging political space in the United States where some responsible policy makers, like Defense Secretary Robert Gates, and General David Petraeus, have highlighted the deleterious effects of Israeli-Palestinian conflict over US national security interests in the region. And they are both said to be Republicans.
General Petraeus reportedly told the US Congress that Arab-Israeli hostilities in Palestine allow the al-Qaeda and other militant groups to mobilise support by exploiting anger at perceived US favoritism for Israel.
However, as long as President Obama feels obliged to reassure Israel at every opportunity about US commitment to its security (as if the Palestinians are a threat to Israel), Washington’s credentials as an honest broker for the Palestinians will always be doubtful. For instance, President Barack Obama reportedly telephoned Netanyahu to reiterate America’s commitment to Israel’s security just before the “proximity” talks.
Indeed, if anybody needs assurance and commitment to their security, it is the Palestinian people, subjected to Israeli military incursions and attacks with such frequency. But they stand alone suffering Israeli aggression, with the world turning a blind eye.
Not only that, the Israelis even manage to portray themselves as victims, with the support of their powerful backers in the United States and Europe.
The reality, though, is, as put forth in a letter signed by 300 British academics and published in the Guardian newspaper about the time of the Israeli invasion of Gaza. It said:
“The massacres in Gaza are the latest phase of a war that Israel has been waging against the people of Palestine for more than 60 years. The goal of this war has never changed: to use overwhelming military power to eradicate the Palestinians as a political force, one capable of resisting Israel’s ongoing appropriation of their land and resources.”
The letter goes on, “Israel’s war against the Palestinians has turned Gaza and the West Bank into a pair of gigantic political prisons…”
Israel was created largely as a safe haven for European Jews who had continually suffered horrendous persecution wherever they lived in Europe. They were also subject to discrimination in the United States, sometimes bordering on hysteria.
The holocaust under Hitler was its worst manifestation.
Even during World War 11, when Jews were dispatched to concentration and death camps under Hitler, the allied governments were indifferent to their plight. Indeed, those fleeing such persecution were often received with hostility and put in detention camps.
Not surprisingly then that the United States and Europe welcomed the idea of a Jewish homeland in Palestine (anywhere but in their midst) to atone, as if, for their sufferings.
The idea of returning to their legendry original home, and the sense of belonging and security this engendered, was highly appealing to Jews all over the world.
The problem, though, was that the Palestinians who had lived in that land forever, weren’t considered worth consulting by all the external parties promoting the creation of a homeland for the Jews.
The Western countries, by now overwhelmed by the centuries’ old accumulative guilt of Jewish persecution, made more poignant by Hitler’s Holocaust, found in the creation of Israel a convenient solution to an age-old problem.
The creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine had been the Zionist demand for many years. It was given some validity by the Balfour Declaration of 1917. Balfour was the British foreign secretary at the time.
What it all means is that the Jewish state of Israel was foisted on the Palestinian people. And it resulted in the expulsion of many of them to constitute a Palestinian Diaspora, refusing to accept the loss of their Palestinian identity.
With its preponderant military power and the occupation of more Palestinian territory following the 1967 war, Israel had hoped to create a fait accompli which the Palestinians would have no option but to accept.
But it hasn’t worked out like that, even though Israel was able to break Arab solidarity by signing peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan.
Even the Oslo agreement of 1993, leading Yasser Arafat’s PLO to recognize the state of Israel, did not break the logjam. The building of more and more Israeli settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem to encircle and dominate the Palestinian territory, and thus effectively negate the prospect of a new state of Palestine, made any real progress virtually impossible.
Even with its military power and support from the United States and much of Europe, Israel claims to feel insecure from the surrounding Arab world. Hence, it keeps making more and more demands on the Arabs and the world community for ironclad guarantees for its security, which is an excuse for stalling a political settlement.
A strong power like Israel should work to win the goodwill of the Palestinian people by withdrawing to its pre-1967 borders. Which will immediately unleash all the possibilities inherent in the situation where both sides desperately need peace.
Only a spectacular initiative like this will eventually work. And only Israel can do this because it has taken away so much and can afford to be reasonable.
In any case, nothing else is working and such an initiative might do the trick over a period of time.
It is hard to believe that the long-persecuted Jewish people will allow their state to dish out such horrendous treatment to the Palestinians, especially when they had no role in their persecution all through history.
